18 September 2003
Your Excellency
The entire membership of the Ijaw People’s Association (IPA), with its newly elected Executive Committee, congratulates you on your second electoral victory on 19 April 2003, as Executive President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. Congratulations. IPA is singularly appreciative of your electoral triumph because you have a greater understanding and comprehension of the fundamental underpinnings of the Ijaw People’s dilemma in the politico-economic context than any other leader in the country’s contemporary political scene, by virtue of your long and vast experience of interactions and dealings with various indigenous representative Ijaw organisations back home in Nigeria.
We would like to use this opportunity to bring to your notice important issues that are of deep concern to us. We hope that you will take note of them and make effort to address them in the immediate future.
UNITY OF THE FEDERATION
Like most of our sister Ijaw organisations in Nigeria and abroad, the IPA is
truly Pan Africanist in its conduct of affairs and is prepared to work pro-actively
in promoting both concept and practice of the envisaged continental African
government, just like Europe - on the verge of realising continental government
pending ratification of its draft constitution. Mr. President, as you are consciously
aware, unity in Nigeria is a pre-requisite for continental unity in Africa as
Nigeria is a microcosm of Africa as a direct result of its diverse multi-ethnic
population groupings. IPA, as an organisation, endorses the ‘One Nigeria’
concept and philosophy with enthusiasm without a modicum of conditionality.
This was demonstrated when our National Hero, Major Isaac Adaka Boro fought
and died for the One Nigeria concept during the civil war. However, IPA now
feels an air of uttermost despondency over the obvious lack of the concept’s
practical application, a situation that is rapidly fertilizing the seeds of
dissension amongst established youth fora throughout the Niger Delta region
in general and Ijaw land in particular.
Mr President, with seven years’ service behind you as Head of State and Executive President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, we believe you have gained the consummate experience to tackle the challenges and complexities of the country more effectively than most leaders in the contemporary political scene that our country faces in the 21st century. Furthermore, a unique advantage you have over anyone else in the current political environment is that you have approximately four years to review the policies of your previous seven-year stewardship as Nigerian Head of State and President, and effect the necessary adjustments required to make reality the Nigeria you have envisaged and envisioned over the years.
In IPA’s view, there are two major policy priority areas for an executive president of the Federal Republic of Nigeria: one of these is that of ensuring the unity of the Nigerian Federation through the application of democratic principles of conflict resolution and effective deployment of democratically established or improvised machinery for effecting negotiation or dialogue amongst disputants. It is worth noting that the benefits that can be derived from a united Nigeria are not just confined to Nigerians but for the well-being of the entire African continent as an African continental government modelled on the USA and Europe could lead to accelerated economic growth and political stability that should have immense benefits to all Africans.
NIGER DELTA DEVELOPMENT
Mr President, with a production level of over two million barrels of the finest
crude oil per day, Nigeria is ranked 7th in the world league of crude oil producing
countries. In monetary terms, this accounts for some 80 per cent of the country’s
gross domestic product (GDP). Dishearteningly, an incomprehensible dichotomy-
the wealth/poverty dichotomy has been foisted on Ijaw land despite its position
as the major economic lifeline of the country. Ijaw land is the least developed
geopolitical entity within the Nigerian Federation.
The Niger Delta region has been gripped in the throes of years of conflict, a development, which played out with grave consequences during the recent elections in the country. The principal cause of dissension is centred on the pervasive denial of economic democracy to the overwhelming majority of people at federal, state and local government levels that has consigned them to abject poverty despite their enormous wealth, which is being ostentatiously lavished outside the Niger Delta region. The abnormal speed with which the construction of ABUJA- the Federal Capital City, was undertaken, is one prime example. Another is the black hole that is the Ajaokuta Steel project. IPA does not play a game of words when it talks of people living in abject poverty. Clearly, it is an irrefutable fact of abject poverty that the River Niger, simultaneously serves the Ijaws both as a source of drinking water and toilet. The fact that the banks of River Niger are literally littered with infant victims of water-borne diseases demonstrate further dimensions of the abject poverty theme
It is a regrettable matter of fact that the conspicuous lack of economic democracy in the country has impacted negatively more disproportionately on the Niger Delta region than other parts of the country. This phenomenon has created levels of poverty and deprivation in the region to such extent that many individuals and organisations feel disfranchised from the political system.
To quell the dissension, which foments in the Niger Delta region in general and Ijaw land in particular, the Nigerian leadership will have to take seriously the special development needs of the region. The Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC) is ostensibly the body established to provide the special developmental needs of the region. NDDC, in its current resource appropriation role, is grossly inadequate and under-funded: it represents just a token recognition of the special development requirements of the world’s third largest wetlands.
The IPA considers it as an act of great betrayal for Mr President to introduce amendments to the NDDC Act that seeks to roll back the Federal Government and Oil Corporations developmental obligations to the Niger Delta by reducing the funding from 15% to 10%, and 3% to 2% respectively. Massive resource injection into the NDDC, commensurate with the development needs and requirements of the region with a view to redressing the wrongs of the past is the only viable option left for obliterating the senseless mayhem that has deprived the region of a large number of our young heroes and heroines.
INVOLVEMENT OF MULTINATIONAL OIL COMPANIES IN NIGERIAN POLITICS & HUMAN RIGHTS ABUSES
The Multinational Oil Companies exert an undue influence in the political affairs of Nigeria to the detriment of the Niger Delta people in general and Ijaws in particular. Several examples of this can be cited. The promulgation of the Land Use Decree, which disfranchised the Ijaws and other ethnic nationalities of the Niger Delta, favours the Oil Corporations. The deadline for an end to their policy of gas flaring was extended to favour them at the expense of the Niger Delta environment. The funding of the Niger Delta Development Commission, with the oil Companies lobbying hard to effect the reduction of their statutory contributions to the Commission, and lastly their manipulative influence on traditional rulers in settling problems arising from oil spills and compensation payments.
Human Rights Abuses are a common feature of Niger Delta life. These abuses can be attributed to the policies initiated by your Administration in handling problems in the Niger Delta, which tended to favour the military option.
The above factors have given birth to various crises across the country, especially in the Niger Delta region in general, and Warri in particular.
THE WARRI CRISES
The IPA is extremely concerned that Warri continues to be a hotbed of ethnic
conflict. Concerned citizens have catalogued from the inception of the colonial
administration to the present dispensation, a series of violations of the principles
of good governance and economic management in the development of Warri and its
environs. We believe that the root causes of the Warri Crises are injustice,
structural administrative/political defects and corruption.
Injustice: various cases of injustice perpetrated against the Ijaws in the Warri region must be mentioned. These include: non-implementation of the various recommendations by commissions of inquiry into the problems of Warri over the years. Discrimination in employment in the oil and oil services sector. The Warri crisis of 1997 – 1999 caused by the creation and re-location of Warri South Local Government Council headquarters from Ogbe-Ijoh to Ogidigben, and the imposition of minority rule in the LGA. To date this remains unresolved. The collusion of the military authorities with the Itsekiris in waging state terrorism against the Ijaws of Warri region; the military blockading of the seaways & waterways inhabited by the Ijaws.
Structural Defects: There are structural defects in the local government administrative boundaries that allow an ethnic minority to exclusively govern the majority in the region. These include Warri Southwest local government Area (the 1991 population census figures show that the Ijaws comprise 63% of the population of the Warri South-West LGA), and Warri metropolis itself, where recommendations to rectify these imbalances have not been implemented (the unpublished reports of Justices Alhassan Idoko Commission, Nnaemeka Agu Commission and General Magaji Commission have all recommended that the three ethnic groups that are indigenous to Warri metropolis be given three local government areas corresponding to their natural geographical boundaries).
Corruption: The other policy priority area for the leadership’s Executive action is the Federation’s enduring immutable cancer – corruption. The interrelationship between the ‘One Nigeria’ chorus and the cancer of corruption is crystal clear: the insidious mayhem of the Niger Delta region, a by-product of the economic disfranchisement of the peoples in the area would have been less pronounced if the region were a “corruption free ” Niger Delta region. The Oil Companies (by bribing traditional rulers and engaging in clandestine diversion of petroleum products) and the Federal Government (corruption in the armed forces which provides cover for smuggling activities) must share the blame in corrupting the fabric of society in the Niger Delta, especially the youth. In this regard we must mention Oil bunkering as a major issue of concern to the IPA.
The proxy war on the Ijaws: Two questions the authorities need to answer. On
whose interests are the federal, state governments, and the multinational oil
companies are engaged in the proxy war on the Ijaws through the Itsekiris? All
evidence points to the fact that the Itsekiris are the beneficiaries. This is
indeed the case. The persistent clashes between Ijaw and Itsekiri militants
in Warri is characterised by federal government troops backing for the Itsekiris.
Eyewitness accounts tell of troops sent to keep the peace, aiding and abetting
the Itsekiri militants to attack Ijaw towns and villages in the Warri region.
The same eyewitnesses confirmed seeing Itsekiri youths with rifles beside security
forces checking identity cards of people to determine who is Ijaw or not. People
who were identified as Ijaws were taken away and not seen again. Such stories
suggest that the Federal Government is not neutral in the crisis.
Has the proxy war on the Ijaws got anything to do with the divide-and-rule policy of the Federal Government so that the Niger Delta does not realise its objective of full resource control? Has this proxy war got anything to do with making sure that Warri does not know peace and achieve its rightful status as a vibrant multi-ethnic city?
SOLUTIONS TO THE WARRI CRISIS
Following the recent bloodletting and wanton destruction of properties, which
we condemn in its totality, the federal government has deployed military troops
to Warri for peacekeeping and to protect oil facilities. This, in our opinion,
is of ephemeral significance only and will neither bring lasting solution to
the Warri area nor the rest of the Niger Delta. It is a deviation from the true
aspiration of the Niger Delta people. We believe that the federal government
has the answers, as several organizations and leaders of the Niger Delta have
stated in the past, but for the sake of emphasis, we will re-iterate some of
the solutions:
The Itsekiris must categorically give up their claim to be the sole landowners
of the Warri region. We note that as purported landowners, the Itsekiri are
quick to concede their landowning rights to the Federal government by demanding
that Warri becomes a federal territory. This demand alone betrays the Itsekiri
claim as being fraudulent. The reality is that the Ijaw, Urhobo and Itsekiri
are co-owners of the Warri region, and as such when this is recognised and put
into practice peace will return to Warri.
Government should encourage and provide the atmosphere for meaningful dialogue
between the different ethnic groups in Warri. The Ijaws have always re-iterated
their desire to dialogue with the Itsekiris to ensure that peace reigns in Warri.
The same is not true of our Itsekiri brothers and sisters. Government should
involve credible (Ijaw, Itsekiri and Urhobo) traditional rulers in the dialogue
processes. It would be a great tragedy for Nigeria if the Government assumes
that military force against the Ijaws would guarantee the flow of oil in the
Niger Delta. Dialogue is the answer.
As a means of finding solutions in the past, Government set up different commissions
of enquiry into the Warri crisis. These commissions include those of Justice
Nnaemeka Agu, Justice Alhassan Idoko, and General Magaji. To date, Government
is yet to release and implement the findings of these commissions. There is
no doubt that the findings of these commissions, on which large sums of public
money was expended; hold a key to the resolution of the perennial Warri crisis.
Once more, we urge the federal government to immediately release and implement
the reports of these commissions.
Furthermore, the government should be sincere in its fight against corruption,
address the structural defects in the local government areas of Warri where
the minority lords it over the majority tribes.
The Federal and State governments and Oil Companies should embrace the Ijaws
as partners in progress and genuine stakeholders in the development of the oil
sector in the Niger Delta.
The issue of abject poverty in the Niger Delta should be properly addressed
via intensive job creation, and injection of more funds into the Niger Delta.
Finally, the practice of true federalism should come into play where the different
states are allowed control over their resources while contributing to the federal
purse. This is the practice in other parts of the world; the case of Nigeria
should not be different.
We thank you Mr President, hoping that you will bring your wealth of experience
to bear in the Niger Delta.
Yours sincerely
Rowland Ekperi Benaebi Oguoko